In the San Francisco Bay Area, redevelopment planning
and gentrification has pushed working class and working poor
communities of color to the Southeast part of San Francisco
(Bayview Hunter's Point, Excelsior, Visitacion Valley). These
communities have also been sites of high rates of homicide
and gang violence. However, in step with California
state funding, San Francisco has increased its police force
and surveillance equipment in order to deal with issues of
community safety.
The defeat of Affordable Housing Proposition B (“set
aside' fund that 21/2 centers from every $100 of assess property
will b spent on developing affordable housing) in San
Francisco's November 2008 election reveals how private developers
will not be regulated in building high income housing. This
has placed working class and working poor families on high
economic stress because of the need to work an extra job
to afford housing costs. The extra stress on families,
produces conditions for less guardianship of youth in families
and less time for to advocate for resources and inter-community
support. Liquor shops at corners and underground drug
and sex trafficking rings are examples of sources for economic
survival. Joining the military becomes attractive for
youth of color because it provides a way up and out of their
social and economic conditions. The violence of their
everyday desensitizes them from the violence they must commit
in war. Policy makers are not making strong enough
connections between the San Francisco' redevelopment is increasing
cost of living for homeless, working class and working poor. This
causes issues of urban poverty, economic segregation, community
violence and out-migration of communities of color to cheaper
suburban areas like Antioch and Pittsburgh/Bay Point to be
individualized in public discourse as the fault/choice of
communities to endure or fix the situations they are in.
I suggest that the demilitarization movement make clearer
connections with the Green Jobs and community based environmental
justice Movements. The Green Jobs movement, headed
by leaders like Van Jones, provide ideas to solving the social,
economic and ecological insecurity here at home. By
supporting the development of jobs that restore environments
and supports the community social fabric, the demilitarization
movement would be intervening in the continuous flow of American
youth to be soldiers abroad. However, the Green Jobs
movement is not perfect.
The demilitarization movement must bring its critique of
corporate resource hegemony, imperialism, and colonialism
in supporting environmental justice efforts that advocate
for communities' self-determination for their right to healthy
lives and non-toxic environments. This means that
the demilitarization movement is both aware and engaged of
how bases abroad are connected to the militarizaiton of communities
in our own backyards. What are the ways that we can
be attentive to our participation in displacement of communities
at home and abroad, which produces social insecurity and
economic inequity? What are the ways that we can frame
our advocacy and activist practice to multiply our resistance?
How can we engage the Prison Industrial Complex, affordable
housing, police brutality, domestic violence, inter-community
violence (black on black/brown on brown/brown on black violence)
movements as saying something how militarism is produced
and perpetuated within national borders?
I see the Women for Genuine Security as weaving multiple
issues in our practice. We are a U.S. based network,
as well as connected to an Asia-Pacific-Carribbean network. We
connect, engage and support other organizations who are working
on issues of militarism: base expansion, cultural survival,
ecological contamination, sex trafficking/sexual abuse, military
recruitment, among others. We focus on building relationships
with others in the network of organizations. Its not
about “knowing” the issue so that “we” (as
in the U.S. based org) can fix it for them. Rather,
its about listening to the people's experiences and stories,
in order to understand ourselves and how our stories link
to their stories.
I suggest then that we use this time in the conference to
listen to each other's issues and stories. How do they
connect to our stories? How can we understand issues
as interconnected, and engage in building relationsips with
other individuals/organizations to manifest an activist practice
of interconnection, and design shared meaning to support
our local and translocal practice. Therefore, issues of housing
security, education, cultural, social justice work, environmental
restoration, ending military investment funding at home and
abroad, among other social justice efforts, will not seem
overwhelming. Rather, it would be based on building human
relations, so that we can identify the activities we can
do locally, within our means, and collaborate with others
who specialize in their work, which in turn, informs our
practice and analysis. The idea is to build community
so that we may move out of an isolating activist practice
that thinks that we must do all we can, without looking around,
to see the work that others are already doing.
BIOGRAPHY
Ellen-Rae Cachola is a member of Women for Genuine Security, Manilatown Heritage
Foundation and the League of Young Voters. She has worked on web development,
digital archiving and youth political organizing to educate others on the impacts
of dominant discourses of development and natioanl security on people, namely
women and youth, in the Asia-Pacific the U.S. Ellen-Rae currently has
a Master of Arts in Cultural Anthropology from California Institute of Integral
Studies, and Bachelor of Arts in Political Science from the University of Hawaii
at Manoa.
Terri Kekoolani performing traditional Kanaka
Maoli song and dance in the opening ceremony and vigil at
the Pentagon, Security Without Empire: National Organizing
Conference on Foreign Military Bases, February 27, 2009
Photo by Lindsey Kerr |